Author: Anna Pluta

Entrepreneurship in Latvia and Other Baltic States: Results from the Global Entrepreneurship Monitor

This policy brief summarises the results and implications of an upcoming Global Entrepreneurship Monitor (GEM) 2012 Latvia Report: a study on the entrepreneurial spirit and the latest trends in entrepreneurial activity in Latvia. The results suggest that Latvia is a rather entrepreneurial country (it rates second out of all EU countries by the share of population in early-stage entrepreneurial activity). GEM also finds that Latvian early-stage entrepreneurial activity is counter-cyclical. Early-stage entrepreneurship and self-employment have been important supports for those who were hit by the crisis in 2008-2009. Latvian entrepreneurs are measured to have strong international orientation and growth ambitions. The majority of them are young and middle-age males; in turn, females and the older age group (55-64) represent an “untapped entrepreneurial resource” potential to be addressed by policymakers.

 

The Global Entrepreneurship Monitor (GEM) is a not-for-profit academic research consortium that produces an annual evaluation of entrepreneurial activity across the world (69 countries participated in 2012; see more at www.gemconsortium.org). Latvia has participated in GEM since 2005. Thus GEM results provide a picture of Latvian entrepreneurial activity over a period that includes the boom-bust-recovery of recent years. The other two Baltic states, Estonia and Lithuania, have only recently participated in GEM, and this year is the first in which all three have participated thereby providing an opportunity for a comparative analysis.

The Hidden Potential of Latvian Entrepreneurship: an Age and Gender Perspective

GEM indicates that, overall, Latvia is a rather entrepreneurial country. A total of 13.4% of Latvia’s adult population (age 18-64) were involved in early-stage entrepreneurial activity in 2012, where early-stage entrepreneurship is defined to include both nascent entrepreneurs and businesses younger than 3.5 years, see appendix for the precise definition. As illustrated by Figure 1A, Latvia ranks 2nd out of 22 EU countries participated in the GEM project. However, the participation of both women and older persons in entrepreneurship in Latvia is quite low, suggesting a potential that could be exploited.

Fig1_Nov4

In particular, similarly to other EU countries participating in the GEM project, the number of females engaged in entrepreneurial activity in Latvia is lower than for their male counterparts with a male entrepreneurial activity rate of almost 19% as compared with 8% for women, see figure 1B. This is at odds with other indicators of female economic activity in Latvia. Indeed the Latvian female labour force participation rate is high; almost two thirds of higher education institution graduates are women; close to 60% of doctoral degrees are awarded to females; Latvia has one of the highest proportions of female managers in the European Union. In other words, Latvian women have risen to the top in business as well as the public sector much more than in the entrepreneurial sector. This suggests that there is an untapped entrepreneurial potential in Latvia.

From an international perspective, the Latvian situation is not unique. Mitchell (2011), who discusses the gender gap and female entrepreneurs as economic drivers in general and the US situation in particular, recognizes that women have made great strides in breaking through the “glass ceiling”. However, a “glass wall” seems to be preventing them from going into entrepreneurship. Breaking through this wall is a challenge not only in Latvia, but also in the United States and a number of other countries. In the Latvian context, until this wall is breached, women capable of starting a business will remain a major under-used economic resource.

In terms of age, entrepreneurship in Latvia is overwhelmingly carried out by young and middle-aged people (Figure 2). Latvia has the lowest share among the EU GEM countries for the oldest age group, i.e. 55-64. Similar pattern is evident for the same age group in Estonia and Lithuania. Part of the explanation for the Baltic States’ lagging performance within the older age group might be found in its Soviet heritage: the oldest cohorts were brought up and spent a considerably period of their professional life in the Soviet system, which did not encourage business and entrepreneurship.

Slide1
 

Entrepreneurial Activity and the Latvian Business Cycle

Figure 3A-F illustrates various aspects of the dynamics of Latvian entrepreneurial activity over 2005-2012. One immediate observation is that Latvian entrepreneurial activity has exhibited considerable variability. In the boom years of 2005-2007, entrepreneurial activity fell as the economy grew faster. With the recession of 2008-2010, entrepreneurial activity, measured as the TEA (total early-stage entrepreneurial activity) rate, increased almost threefold from approximately 4% in 2007 to around 12% in 2011. Thus, the experience of the last eight years suggests that Latvian early-stage entrepreneurial activity is counter-cyclical. At first sight this might appear counter-intuitive since one would expect entrepreneurship to increase in good times, following increased demand for products and services, and fall in a recession. However, the other force at work is the opportunity cost of entrepreneurship; in the boom years of 2005-2007, the Latvian economy in general and its labour market in particular became seriously overheated with very large increases in wages and salaries. This meant that for many potential entrepreneurs the opportunity cost of leaving a highly paid employment to enter entrepreneurship was high and rising.

Furthermore, the fact that the labour market was overheated and virtually anyone employable was employed naturally reduced the number of persons in the age group 18-64 forced into necessity-driven entrepreneurship. By contrast, when the economic crisis hit, jobs were cut or wages reduced, or both, so that many were forced into entrepreneurship in order to survive. Figure 3F confirms this scenario: during the good years 2005-2007 necessity-driven entrepreneurship was fairly stable around 15% of early-stage entrepreneurial activity. When the crisis struck, the share of necessity-driven entrepreneurship almost doubled and although it has fallen slightly, it still amounts to 26% of Latvian early-stage entrepreneurial activity. This of course raises the question of whether the recently observed increases in Latvian early-stage entrepreneurial activity will have an enduring impact on overall Latvian economic development.

We also observe (from Figure 3A and Figure 3B) that during most of the period studied, a fairly strong co-variation exists between the two components of TEA: ‘new business owners’ correlates positively with nascent entrepreneurs (that is, people who only do first steps towards starting their own business). This is reasonable since nascent entrepreneurship ‘feeds into’ new business owners even though not all nascent entrepreneurs end up as new business owners. In 2010 this co-variation seems to be broken: although the prevalence rate of nascent entrepreneurs has increased since 2009, the prevalence of new business owners has fallen from its peak in 2009. This can be seen as an indication that many start-ups during the crisis were not viable and most likely necessity-driven.

The business discontinuation rate (percentage of the 18-64 age group who in the past 12 months have discontinued a business) is presented in Figure 3C. It should be no surprise that the discontinuation rate has moved with the Latvian business cycle. When the economy reached its peak in 2007 the percentage of adult population that had discontinued a business was less than 1% and this peaked at 4% in 2010 (reflecting businesses closed down from May 2009 to May 2010). Part of this increase stems from the fact that during the crisis (as discussed above) the level of early-stage entrepreneurial activity more than doubled and hence, everything else being equal, the fraction of the adult population who with a time-lag had discontinued a business should roughly also have doubled. However, this could just explain only half of the increase in the business discontinuation rate (the 8 year sample of GEM data is too small for any ’serious’ econometric analysis). The remaining failures can probably be attributed to the large number of necessity-driven and in many cases non-viable businesses started during the recession.

Slide2
 

Entrepreneurship in the Baltic Countries

2012 is the first year that all three Baltic countries participated in the GEM project. Given that these countries experienced fairly similar starting conditions when they regained independence in 1991, it is interesting to compare their respective performance. Latvia was the first of the Baltic countries to start participating in the GEM project (from 2005), Lithuania joined in 2011 and Estonia did not join until 2012.

Figure 4 compares various aspects of entrepreneurial activity across the three Baltic States and the GEM EU countries. Inspection reveals that, with respect to the seven dimensions analysed, Lithuanian performance is more or less exactly similar to that of the GEM EU countries. Latvian performance, on the other hand, is very similar to the Estonian performance. In comparison to Lithuania and the GEM EU countries, both Estonia and Latvia scored considerably higher in terms of early-stage and nascent entrepreneurship.

Slide3

Figure 5 illustrates a comparison of the reasons for business discontinuation.

Slide4

Latvia stands out with the lack of profitability being the reason for discontinuation in 40% of Latvian cases. This is higher compared both to Estonia (35%) and Lithuania (25%) as well as the average level of GEM EU countries (30%). For Latvian respondents, the second and third main reasons for business discontinuations were personal reasons and problems obtaining finance – both quoted by roughly 10%. For Estonians, in about 12% of cases of discontinuation was planned in advance and in about 11% exit happened for personal reasons. For Lithuania, about 11% of discontinuations were attributed to each of the following reasons: problems obtaining finance, another job or business opportunity, and opportunity to sell.

GEM also measures the aspiration levels of entrepreneurs as to development of their enterprises using three main measures: growth expectations; innovativeness of products and/or services; and internationalisation of business activities. These three indicators are closely related to economic development and hence prosperity (Wennekers et al., 2010) and therefore provide insight into the overall impact of entrepreneurship on the economy. In terms of international orientation, Estonia and Latvia are quite similar (about 30% of all early stage entrepreneurs indicate having at least 25% of their customers coming from other countries) with Lithuania standing out as being more internationally oriented (40% of TEA). In terms of growth expectations, Latvia and Lithuania are similar (about 50% of all early stage entrepreneurs expect to have at least five employees five years from now) and Estonia scores slightly worse with 40%. In terms of innovation, Latvia and Estonia are similar (perhaps surprisingly), with about 50% of TEA indicating that their product or service is new to at least some customers. For Lithuania this indicator is considerably lower at only 31%.

To sum up, recent participation of Estonia and Lithuania in the GEM reveals that despite some differences, entrepreneurship is broadly similar across the three countries.

Concluding remarks

The eight-year participation of Latvia in the GEM reveals the role of entrepreneurship in the boom-bust-recovery of recent years. Entrepreneurship was shunned in the boom when good jobs and high wages were readily available, and offered a safety valve as jobs vanished in the bust. Thereby, it is not clear to which extent recent entrepreneurial boom in Latvia will project to Latvian longer-term economic development. However, such features of Latvian entrepreneurship as innovativeness and international orientation contribute to more optimistic view on the future role of entrepreneurial sector in Latvian economy.

Taking into account unused entrepreneurial potential of females and individuals aged 55-64, specific programmes aimed at promoting entrepreneurship for these groups may also contribute to the growth and competitiveness of the national economy.

References

  • Krumina, M., and A. Paalzow, (2012), Global Entrepreneurship Monitor, 2011 Latvia Report, Stockholm School of Economics in Riga.
  • Krumina, M., (2013), Global Entrepreneurship Monitor, 2012 Latvia Report, Stockholm School of Economics in Riga.
  • Mitchell, L., (2011), Overcoming the gender gap: Women entrepreneurs as economic drivers, Ewing Marion Kauffman Foundation, September 2011.
  • Wennekers, S., Van Stel, A., Carree, M., and A. R. and Thurik, (2010), The relationship between entrepreneurship and economic development: Is it U shaped? Foundations and Trends in Entrepreneurship 6(3):167-237.

Appendix

The unit of analysis in GEM is the entrepreneur rather than the business venture, with entrepreneurs playing the role of informant on their business. The GEM approach is not about counting the number of businesses. It is largely about measuring entrepreneurial activity within the adult population, entrepreneurial spirit, and attitudes to entrepreneurship. GEM views entrepreneurship as a process and distinguishes entrepreneurs at different stages of their life-cycle: from the very early phase when the business is in gestation to the established phase and even discontinuation of the business.  GEM looks at the main drivers behind engagement in entrepreneurial activity, and differentiates between individuals pulled into entrepreneurship because of opportunity recognition and pushed into entrepreneurship for reasons of necessity. GEM provides means by which a wide variety of important entrepreneurial characteristics such as innovativeness, export-orientation, and high-growth aspirations can be systematically studied; attitudes representing the climate for entrepreneurship in a society can be considered.  An important advantage of GEM is its reliance on high-quality data, collected via adult population surveys (APS) in each participating country.

Nascent entrepreneurs – A nascent entrepreneur is an adult individual(a person between 18 and 64 years old) who is actively trying to start up a new business that they will fully or partially own. This new business has already passed the stage of being merely an idea, because the individual has taken active steps over the last 12 months to help launch the business, such as looking for equipment or a location, organizing a start-up team, working on a business plan, or beginning to save money. However, the business is not yet fully operating, since it has not paid wages to its owners for more than three months.

New firm owners – A new firm owner is an adult individual who manages and fully or partly owns a new business that has paid wages to its owners for more than three months but less than 42 months (3.5 years).

Established business owners – An established business owner is an adult individual who manages and at least partly owns a business that has paid wages to its owners for more than 42 months (3.5 years).

Early-stage entrepreneurs – TEA (nascent entrepreneurs + new firm owners) – An early-stage entrepreneur is an adult individual who is either a nascent entrepreneur or a new firm owner. The early-stage entrepreneurship phase covers entrepreneurial activity from the first active step taken to start up a business until the moment when the enterprise has paid salaries to its owners for 42 months (3.5 years). 

Necessity-driven entrepreneurship – Percentage of those involved in TEA who are involved in entrepreneurship because they had no other option for work.

Improvement-driven Opportunity entrepreneurship – Percentage of those involved in TEA who (i) claim to be driven by opportunity as opposed to finding no other option for work; and (ii) who indicate the main driver for being involved in this opportunity is being independent or increasing their income, rather than just maintaining their income.

And Then There Were Eighteen? Will Latvia Join the Euro Zone in 2014?

Author: Daunis Auers (University of Latvia)

Latvia’s government is zealously preparing for accession to the Euro Zone. Prime Minister Valdis Dombrovskis is expected to request the European Central Bank (ECB) and European Commission (EC) prepare their respective convergence reports on Latvia’s readiness to enter Economic and Monetary Union (EMU) within the next two months. The expectation is that Latvia will join on 1 January 2014. Indeed, the three-party coalition government has long been readying for the technical changeover to the euro. The Cabinet of Ministers adopted a detailed national euro changeover plan in September 2012 and appointed a high-level steering committee to manage the process. The government has launched a controversial multi-million euro advertising blitz aimed at winning over Latvia’s skeptical public.[1]  Parliament passed the law on euro adoption in a 52-40 vote on 31 January 2013.

What could possibly go wrong? Although unlikely, a referendum or the collapse of the Dombrovskis coalition government could yet derail Latvia’s euro ambitions.

Latvia and Europe

All Latvian governments have steered a steady pro-Western course in the two decades since the fall of the Soviet Union. International recognition was followed by membership of the Council of Europe, World Bank and the other minor and major international organizations that make up the international community. However, the big attractions were the Western clubs – NATO and the European Union. Membership of both was achieved in the two ‘big bang’ enlargements of 2004. In all the giddy excitement of finally joining the Western world and seemingly slipping away from Russia’s bear-hug, Latvia initially aimed to quickly join the Euro Zone, setting a target of 1 January 2008.

However, the government proved half-hearted in its efforts, preferring to enjoy the low-hanging fruit of a cheap credit-driven booming economy rather than balance the budget. Both government and public entered a period of rabid consumption and spending that resembled nothing so much as sailors in a pub after a year at sea. Unsurprisingly, Latvia rapidly slipped far away from meeting the Maastricht criteria on inflation. Accession to the Euro Zone was quietly dropped from the political discourse.

However, euro adoption returned as a frontline government initiative after the dramatic economic collapse of 2008, and the advent to power of Valdis Dombrovskis, the Baltic Angela Merkel. Dombrovskis will soon have been in power for four years, a lifetime in Latvian politics where, prior to Dombrovskis, the average prime minister served for less than a year.[2] He has overseen harsh austerity measures of tax hikes and spending cuts, but remains surprisingly popular (not least because his party was in opposition during the post-2004 economic bubble years). He has twice been re-elected to office, proving once again that Latvians favour monochrome technocrats over colourful populists.

Despite a return to growth (in 2012 Latvia recorded the highest GDP growth in the EU), the government has maintained tight control over spending. Indeed, it has even perhaps been over-zealous, with both the IMF and EU recently chipping in with criticism of the social spending cuts that Latvia has made to its 2013 budget.[3] Nevertheless, Latvia is now applauded as a model of austerity and frequently used as a positive contrast to Greece.[4]

Moreover, Latvia is now on the cusp of meeting the Maastricht criteria for accession to the Euro Zone. A January 2013 IMF staff report argued that Latvia meets the public debt and budget deficit criteria, although inflation and interest rates may be a hurdle depending on the EU member states used for the reference value calculation (will Greece be treated as an outlier?).[5] The informal political signals from both the EC and ECB are clearly positive. However, euro accession could still be derailed by either a referendum or a change of government.

Let the People Decide?

The biggest potential hurdle remains the threat of a public referendum. The EC and ECB will not contemplate Latvia’s accession to the euro zone with the Damocles Sword of a referendum hanging over the process. Moreover, public support for the euro remains low, with just 8% of the public wanting the euro introduced quickly and 41% being absolutely opposed to the currency.[6] A vote would be a real throw of the dice.

A citizen’s initiative aiming to delay euro adoption, by demanding a vote on the timing of accession, was submitted to Latvia’s electoral authority (by the awkwardly named Latvia’s Social Democratic Movement for an Independent Latvia, a fringe party that has never been elected to parliament) in late 2012. The Central Election Commission must make a final decision on whether to allow the initiative to go ahead by February 3. However, the legal opinions provided by scholars, the Latvian ombudsman’s office and the Latvian parliament’s legal advisers indicate that the initiative is likely to be rejected because:

  • Latvians effectively voted to join the euro when voting on accession in 2003;
  • The Council of Ministers is the only institution authorized to choose the date of accession to the euro zone, thus any initiative specifying a date (or conditions that need to be met) is not legal;
  • The text of the initiative conflicts with the constitution.[7]

While the ruling could be challenged in Latvia’s Constitutional Court or a reworded initiative submitted to the Central Election Commission, the weight of the legal opinions already delivered indicates that these efforts would be unlikely to succeed. At worst, the uncertainty could delay euro adoption past January 1, 2014 (and the Latvian legal system can certainly be ponderous at times). The same is true of any parliamentary attempt to initiate a referendum by having a one-third minority of deputies force the president to sit on the euro adoption law while citizens sign an initiative.[8] Indeed, legal opinions cited by the President state that because euro introduction is a treaty obligation, a majority of parliamentarians (51 of 100) would need to sign any initiative attempting to call a referendum. The opposition will not be able to rustle up a majority of parliamentary deputies (although the legal haggling could delay the date of euro adoption).

Coalition Collapse?

The other risk is a collapse of the government coalition. While the Reform Party and the prime minister’s Unity Alliance are firm supporters of euro adoption, the third coalition member – the radical right populist National Alliance is more torn. Its rank and file membership is largely against the euro, primarily for nationalist reasons (they see the Latvian Lat as a symbol of sovereignty and national identity). One NA parliamentarian even broke coalition ranks and voted against euro adoption. A motley conglomeration of far right radical groups and nationalist intellectuals has begun speaking out against the ‘commercialization’ and ‘westernization’ of Latvia, and sees the euro adoption battle as the opportunity to draw a final line in the sand. They are likely to put the National Alliance’s ministers and parliamentary deputies under severe pressure.

Indeed, the National Alliance already played the ‘euro card’ in November 2012, successfully extracting budgetary concessions for pet projects from Prime Minister Dombrovskis. They may well play it again, as they seek a greater number of ministerial portfolios. However, as Dombrovskis pointed out, opening up of the coalition agreement could well lead to the collapse of a government already creaking at the edges.

Conclusion: After Dombrovskis

There is strong political resolve to lever Latvia into the Euro Zone. Moreover, the unusual confidence emanating from both government officials and the Bank of Latvia indicates that certain reassurances have been made in Brussels and Frankfurt. Indeed, Latvia’s glowing current reputation as the poster child of austerity gives it a once-in-a-decade political momentum. Latvia’s entry into the euro on schedule on January 1, 2014 is more likely than not.

However, looking to the future, one pertinent question needs to be addressed. Which Latvia will we see in the Euro Zone? The grey, serious, disciplined almost Teutonic Latvia of Valdis Dombrovskis? Or the reckless drunken sailor, that has marked much of Latvia’s post-communist era?

Naturally, Dombrovskis holds the key to this question. He is expected to leave domestic politics after the October 2014 parliamentary election, probably to cash in his international political capital with a well remunerated European post (the timing is right for a 2014-2019 European Commissioner portfolio). At best, if re-elected, he might be persuaded to stay on to oversee Latvia’s presidency of the European Union in 2015.  In any case, while Latvia has been reborn as a paragon of economic virtue under his watch, these assets have not been institutionalized. Dombrovskis will leave behind the same old fractured, frail and quarrelsome parties, politicians and oligarchs that he inherited. Recent international criticism of disequilibrium in government welfare and tax policies hints that political backsliding has already begun.

Latvia is at its strongest when its political, economic and administrative elite units in pursuit of some concrete target. Independence from the Soviet Union, then NATO and EU accession, followed by harsh austerity measures and now even Euro Zone accession were achieved far quicker than many observers had believed possible. International conditionality has made up for the absence of ideology and ideas as moral and political compasses in Latvian politics. However, when left to their own devices, Latvian politicians have tended to run amok. After Latvia enters the Euro Zone it will be left without an all-encompassing political plan. Quite frankly, that is rather worrying.

References

 


[1] See the Latvia euro changeover site. Available at:  http://www.eiro.lv

[2] Pettai, Auers and Ramonaite (2011), ‘Political Development’ In Marju Lauristin (ed.), Estonian Human Development Report 2010/2011: Baltic Way(s) of Human Development: Twenty Years On. Tallinn: Eesti Koostoo Kogu. 144-163.

[3] Aaron Eglitis (2013), ‘EU joins IMF in criticizing Latvian cuts to tax, social spending’. Bloomberg news.

[4] Anders Aslund, an ardent cheerleader of Latvia’s austerity programme, puts the country’s success down to ‘front loading’ reforms, particularly fiscal adjustment . See Anders Aslund (2013) ‘Why austerity works and stimulus doesn’t’.

[5] IMF Staff Report No. 13/28 (January 2013). Also see Swedbank Analysis (1 August 2012). ‘Fulfilling the Maastricht Criteria – mission possible for Latvia and Lithuania?’

[6] Although another 42% had a positive attitude towards the euro, but did not want to see it hurriedly introduced. See DNB Banka (November 2012), ‘Latvijas Barometrs: Eiro ieviešana Latvijā’.

[7] The legal opinions can be found on the Central Election Commission’s homepage.

[8] See Article 1, paragraph 3 in the law on referendums and initiatives.

Latvian Unemployment is Cyclical

Authors: Daria Anosova (NES), Konstantin Sonin (CEFIR and NES), Alf Vanags (BICEPS), and Anna Zasova (BICEPS).

In terms of output decline and increase in unemployment, the economic recession in Latvia that started during the 2008-09 financial crisis was one of the most severe in the world. Using modern methods of statistical analysis, we demonstrate that the changes in unemployment should be attributed primarily to cyclical, rather than structural factors. This answer brings important implications for anti-crisis policy in Latvia and elsewhere in the world: it suggests that the surge in unemployment was largely a consequence of Latvia’s austerity policy, and that today, broader economic measures to support further economic recovery can be effective. 

During the 2008-2009 recession Latvia experienced the EU’s largest and fastest increase in unemployment. This is illustrated in Figure 1 where it can be seen  that the unemployment rate rose by approximately 14 percentage points from a low of 6.2% in early 2008 to 20.4% at the end of 2009. However, labour market recovery has not been equally  rapid, with unemployment in 2011 and the first half of 2012 settling at around 16%. This corresponds to a decline of less than 5 percentage points from the peak. The most recent quarter has seen an improvement with the unemployment rate falling to 13.5%. Partly, the decline can be attributed to seasonal factors (seasonally adjusted unemployment rate declined by less; from 15.7% to 14.2%). However, if discouraged workers are counted, the reduction in unemployment was smaller and the rate of unemployment still stood at 16.8% in the 3rd quarter.

This observed persistence in unemployment is seen by many as a signal of the structural nature of the shocks that hit the economy during the recession and of the further intensification of structural problems.

Figure 1. Unemployment Rate (Age Group 15-74), Seasonally Adjusted, (%)[1]

 Fig1

Note: Discouraged workers are those economically inactive who mentioned loss of hope to find a job as the main reason for not looking for a job.

Source: Central Statistical Bureau of Latvia, authors’ calculations.

For example, Krasnopjorovs (2012)[2] argues that there is a structural mismatch in the Latvian labour market, which mainly takes the form of a skills mismatch and concludes that the “employment rate now is similar to that observed in “normal times” of 2002-2004[which] suggests a rather small [if any] negative output gap and a large share of structural unemployment in total unemployment”. Likewise, the Ministry of Finance of Latvia (2012)[3] argues that in the medium term, supply and demand mismatches will intensify. Thus, raising the risks of structural unemployment and, while not explicitly reporting their NAIRU estimates, the reported estimate for the output gap in 2012 is just -0.2% of potential GDP, but for 2013, a positive output gap of 0.7% is forecast.

The European Central Bank (2012)[4], when discussing inflation prospects in Latvia, identifies the situation in the labour market as a potential source of risk, as “labour shortages in certain sectors have appeared, suggesting that unemployment is likely to be close to its natural rate”. The European Commission’s (2012)[5] estimate for the NAIRU in 2012 is 14.6%, which is very close to the actual unemployment rate. The IMF (2012)[6] is the least categorical in characterising the nature of Latvian unemployment, arguing that “lack of skilled labor could become a constraint to growth and put pressure on wages unless the long-term unemployed re-enter the labor market”, at the same time forecasting that “[a] negative output gap and high unemployment should keep core inflation (…) low, and contribute to a gradual decline in headline inflation”.

Other commentators, e.g. Krugman[7] have argued that Latvian unemployment is largely explainable by cyclical factors.

Which explanation is correct is important both for current policy purposes and for the interpretation of past policy. Thus, “if cyclical factors predominate, then policies that support a broader economic recovery should be effective in addressing long-term unemployment as well; if the causes are structural, then other policy tools will be needed”.[8] On the other hand, “higher structural unemployment alters the role of short-run stabilization policies, including monetary policy, by increasing the possibility that expansionary policies will trigger inflation at higher rates of unemployment than otherwise”.[9]

In what follows, we evaluate the extent to which the recent evolution of Latvian unemployment can be interpreted as structural and provide some policy implications. We use three alternative approaches and all three point in the same direction: overwhelmingly both the increase in unemployment and its recovery are explainable by cyclical factors.

Decomposition of the Unemployment Rate into Structural and Cyclical Components

Our first approach is to directly decompose unemployment into structural and cyclical components. This is based on the following intuitive reasoning: when structural change occurs, unemployment is a result of changes in the composition of the labour market, i.e. the skill requirements of the jobs available today no longer match the skillset of the workers who are searching for jobs. On the other hand, when cyclical factors dominate, we would expect similar increases in unemployment across all sectors and locations. Using a formalised version of this approach, we conclude that changes in Latvian unemployment during the recession can be explained by changes in the unemployment rates in particular sectors and occupations, while the shares of the sectors and occupations in labour supply have been practically unchanged.

Following Lazear and Spletzer (2012)[10], we decompose the changes in the unemployment rate into structural and cyclical components, where the first component comes from changes in unemployment rates in a particular group assuming an unchanged structure, while the second component represents compositional changes in the structure of labour supply.

In order to implement this analysis, we use the most disaggregated categories of the sector of previous employment and occupations, which are obtainable from quarterly micro level LFS data. This covers 10 sectors of production and 9 occupations. We use a broad definition of unemployment and include discouraged workers to account for the nominal reduction in unemployment, which occurs just because people stop looking for a job. At the time of writing, data is only available for 2007-2011; hence, our analysis does not cover 2012.

Figures 2 and 3 show the decomposition of unemployment rate changes by sectors of production and by occupations.

Figure 2. Decomposition of Year-on-Year Changes in Unemployment Rate by Sectors of Production, Including Discouraged Workers, (% points)
Fig2
 
Note: Includes only those unemployed who stopped working less than 8 years ago, for those who stopped working more than 8 years ago data on the previous sector of employment is not available; includes only those who indicated the sector of previous employment.

Source: Central Statistical Bureau of Latvia, authors’ calculations.

The sectoral decomposition suggests that the increase in unemployment in 2009-2010 can be fully attributed to cyclical factors – the structural component was small and even negative. The negative structural component is explained mainly by a reduction in the share of industry and construction in labour supply, which were sectors characterised by relatively high rates of unemployment.

Figure 3. Decomposition of Year-on-Year Changes in Unemployment Rate by Occupations, Including Discouraged Workers, (% points)

Fig3

Note: Includes only those unemployed who stopped working less than 8 years ago, for those who stopped working more than 8 years ago data on the previous occupation is not available; includes only those who indicated previous occupation.

Source: Central Statistical Bureau of Latvia, authors’ calculations.

The occupational decomposition also suggests that changes in the rate of unemployment have been largely cyclical. The positive structural component in 2010Q1 can be explained by an increase in the share of civil servants, service workers, as well as shop and market sales workers. The positive structural component in 2010Q4 and 2011Q2 is a result of an increased share of craft and related trades workers, and elementary occupations.

In sum, the shares of both sectors and occupations in the economy have remained largely unchanged with unemployment changes explained by sectoral or occupational changes in unemployment rates.

Evaluating mismatch

A second approach is to directly estimate labour-market mismatch. Structural unemployment is usually defined as resulting from a mismatch between the labour demand and the skillset and locations of those looking for jobs. “[M]ismatch is defined as a situation where industries differ in their ratio of unemployed to vacancies”.[11] Using this approach our estimates show no significant mismatch between available vacancies the skills of workers.

To assess changes in the matching during the crisis, we calculate relative standard deviation of the number of unemployed per vacancy across sectors:

fig4a

where x(i) is number of unemployed per vacancy in sector[12] (including discouraged workers) and x¯ is average number of unemployed per vacancy across sectors.

Figure 4. Relative Standard Deviation of Unemployed per Vacancy across Sectors
Fig4

Source: Central Statistical Bureau of Latvia, authors’ calculations.

Figure 4 presents the results of the relative standard deviation estimation. RSD increased in the beginning of the recession, but it has been declining since early 2009 indicating no increase in the degree of mismatch.

Estimating the Beveridge Curve

The third method uses the search and matching approach as developed by Pissarides (2000)[13] where the emergence of structural unemployment is signalled by deterioration in the efficiency of labour-market matching. Again, the conclusion is that except during the boom, when matching appears to have improved, Latvian unemployment cannot be explained by changes in the efficiency of matching.

We follow the Beveridge curve approach proposed by Barlevy (2011)[14] who follows Petrongolo and Pissarides (2001)[15] in assuming that matches in the labour market can be described by a Cobb-Douglas function, in which the number of matches depends on the unemployment rate, the vacancy rate, the productivity of the matching process, and elasticity of the number of matches with respect to the unemployment rate. The flow into unemployment is defined by the separation rate into unemployment; while the flow out of unemployment is given by the matching function. Equating the two flows yields the Beveridge curve which, given a constant separation rate, defines a negative relationship between vacancies and the unemployment rate.

Figure 5 plots the Beveridge curve for Latvia over 2005 – 2012Q2. We first observe that the Beveridge curve appears to have shifted downwards in 2007, pointing to an improvement in matching (an increase in the productivity parameter) as the economy approached the top of the boom. This is consistent with the idea that employers facing labour shortage became less “picky” in their hiring decisions. Starting from 2010, as the unemployment rate gradually declined there appears to have been a movement back along the Beveridge curve though perhaps with a minor outward shift.

Figure 5. Unemployment Rate (incl. Discouraged Workers) vs. Vacancy Rate in 2005-2012q2, Seasonally Adjusted
Fig5

Source: Central Statistical Bureau of Latvia, authors’ calculations.

Estimating the parameters of the Beveridge curve permits assessment of changes in matching. To estimate A, we divide the sample into three periods and fit the Beveridge curve for these three periods: 2005-2006 (beginning of the boom), 2007-2009 (the peak and the recession) and 2010-2012 (the period of gradual reduction in unemployment). Apart from data on unemployment and the vacancies, we need to know the separation rate. Barlevy (2011)[16] argues that the relevant separation rate is likely to be fairly stable over the cycle – he assumes a constant separation rate of 0.03 for the U.S. (one can think of this separation rate as the flow of people from employment to unemployment in “normal” times). In the absence of concrete evidence to the contrary, we also assume a constant separation rate. However, this assumption is not crucial for our analysis, since we are interested in the change in A and not the level of A.

Figure 6 shows the fitted Beveridge curves, as well as the seasonally adjusted data over the period ranging from 2005 up to the second quarter of 2012.

Figure 6: Fitted Beveridge Curves and Actual Unemployment Rate (incl. Discouraged Workers) vs. Vacancy Rate in 2005-2012q2, Seasonally Adjusted
Fig6

Source: Central Statistical Bureau of Latvia, authors’ calculations.

Our estimates of the parameters are presented in Table 1. The results show that A declined in 2010-2012, suggesting a slight deterioration in matching, yet A estimated on 2010-2012 data is slightly higher than A estimated on 2005-2006 data, the period which probably comes closest to the definition of “normal” times in our sample.

Table 1. Estimated Parameters of the Beveridge Curve

Table1

Source: Authors’ calculations.

Using estimated  and the formula for the steady-state vacancy rate, we are able to calculate implied changes in A over the whole period under consideration. To do this, we employ two alternative estimates of : (1) , the estimate on 2005-2006 data, which can be viewed as  estimate for “normal” times and (2) , average of  estimates for the three periods.

Figure 7 illustrates the results of the estimation. These suggest that A declined from its peak in the beginning of 2008, in turn suggesting that matching has deteriorated as compared to the boom years. However, started to grow in the end of 2011 and is currently above its level in 2005-2006. More importantly, our results suggest that there was no notable deterioration in matching since mid-2009, i.e. neither the increase in unemployment in the recession nor the subsequent recovery have been accompanied by significant intensification of labour market mismatches.

Figure 7: Implied A estimate

Fig7

Source: Authors’ calculations.

Finally, our estimates of the Latvian Beveridge curve imply that changes in matching efficiency have been practically absent (except in the boom). Hence, changes in unemployment can largely be explained by cyclical factors.

Conclusion

Our analysis indicates no significant change in structural unemployment in Latvia during the 2008-2009 recession and afterwards. First, decomposition of the unemployment rate into structural and cyclical components illustrates the dominant role of the cyclical component. Second, direct estimation of mismatches also shows no evidence to support a structural explanation of the change in the Latvian unemployment rate. Finally, our estimates of the Beveridge curve during the period suggest that the efficiency of matching did not deteriorate during the recession and afterwards.

Accordingly, we conclude that in the course of the crisis not only did Latvia fall well below its long-term output trend, but Latvia is still operating below potential. This has implications for the assessment of Latvia’s internal devaluation policy. To put it in Blanchard’s (2012)[17] words: “Is it a success? The economic and social cost of adjustment has been substantial. Output further contracted by 16% in 2009, and is still 15% below its 2007 peak. Unemployment increased to more than 20% and still stands at 16% today, far higher than any reasonable estimate of the natural rate. Was there another, less costly, way of adjusting, through floating, and a slower fiscal consolidation? The truth is we shall never know”. The evidence presented here does not directly help to evaluate alternatives – still, it confirms that the chosen course was extremely costly and that today broader economic measures to support further recovery can be effective.

References

  • Barlevy (2011), “Evaluating the Role of Labor Market Mismatch in Rising Unemployment,” Economic Perspectives, 35(3), July 28, 2011
  • Bernanke (2012), “Recent Developments in the Labor Market,” remarks to the National Association for Business Economics, March 26, 2012
  • Blanchard (2012), “Lessons from Latvia”, June 2012
  • Daly, Hobijn, Sahin, and Valletta (2012), “A Search and Matching Approach to Labor Markets: Did the Natural Rate of Unemployment Rise?,” Journal of Economic Perspectives 26(3), Summer 2012, pp. 3-26
  • Daly, Hobijn, and Valletta (2011), “The Recent Evolution of the Natural Rate of Unemployment,” IZA Discussion Paper No. 5832, July 2011
  • European Central Bank (2012), “Convergence report”, May 2012
  • European Commission (2012), Autumn 2012 Forecast Exercise, Estimates of output gap and of potential output and their determinants, https://circabc.europa.eu, November 2012
  • IMF (2012), “Republic of Latvia: First Post-Program Monitoring Discussions”, July 2012
  • Krasnopjorovs (2012), “What is missing in Krugman’s structural unemployment story?”, blog on Bank of Latvia website, June 2012.
  • Krugman, The Conscience of a Liberal, blog on New York Times, http://krugman.blogs.nytimes.com/?s=latvia
  • Lazear and Spletzer (2012), “The United States Labor Market: Status Quo or a New Normal?,” NBER Working Paper Series, No. 18386, September 2012
  • Ministry of Finance of Latvia (2012), “Convergence programme of the Republic of Latvia 2012-2015”, April 2012
  • Petrongolo and Pissarides (2001), “Looking into the Black Box: A Survey of the Matching Function,” Journal of Economic Literature, 39(2), June 2001, pp. 390–431
  • Pissarides (2000), Equilibrium Unemployment Theory (Second Ed.). Cambridge, MA: MIT Press

[1] Figure 1 uses data unadjusted for the results of the census  carried out in Latvia in the first half of 2011 which showed  that the population and the workforce was less than previously thought. This has implications for the calculation of all labour market statistics but the official statistics not yet been revised for years before 2011. Accordingly, for consistency over time, we use unadjusted data.

[2] Krasnopjorovs (2012), “What is missing in Krugman’s structural unemployment story?”, blog on Bank of Latvia website, June 2012

[3] Ministry of Finance of Latvia (2012), “Convergence programme of the Republic of Latvia 2012-2015”, April 2012

[4] European Central Bank (2012), “Convergence report”, May 2012

[5] European Commission (2012), Autumn 2012 Forecast Exercise, Estimates of output gap and of potential output and their determinants, November 2012

[7] Krugman, The Conscience of a Liberal, blog on New York Times

[8] Bernanke (2012), “Recent Developments in the Labor Market,” remarks to the National Association for Business Economics, March 26, 2012

[9] Daly, Hobijn, and Valletta (2011), “The Recent Evolution of the Natural Rate of Unemployment,” IZA Discussion Paper No. 5832, July 2011

[10] Lazear and Spletzer (2012), “The United States Labor Market: Status Quo or a New Normal?,” NBER Working Paper Series, No. 18386, September 2012

[11] Lazear and Spletzer (2012), “The United States Labor Market: Status Quo or a New Normal?,” NBER Working Paper Series, No. 18386, September 2012

[12] Here we use data on vacancies from the Central Statistical Bureau (data from enterprise surveys), since this data is more representative of the whole economy than the data on registered vacancies from the State Employment Agency. The latter is likely to be biased towards vacancies for low-qualified workers, as employers opt for different search methods for higher level positions. This is supported by the fact that, e.g. in 2012 vacancies for craft and related trades workers, plant and machine operators, and assemblers, as well as elementary occupations accounted for 50-60% of all vacancies registered with the State Employment Agency, while in the Statistical Bureau data these vacancies accounted for only about 20% of all vacancies.

[13] Pissarides (2000), Equilibrium Unemployment Theory (Second Ed.). Cambridge, MA: MIT Press

[14] Barlevy (2011), “Evaluating the Role of Labor Market Mismatch in Rising Unemployment,” Economic Perspectives, 35(3), July 28, 2011

[15] Petrongolo and Pissarides (2001), “Looking into the Black Box: A Survey of the Matching Function,” Journal of Economic Literature, 39(2), June 2001, pp. 390–431

[16] Barlevy (2011), “Evaluating the Role of Labor Market Mismatch in Rising Unemployment,” Economic Perspectives, 35(3), July 28, 2011

[17] Blanchard (2012), “Lessons from Latvia”, June 2012

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TeliaSonera Institūts, kas atrodas Rīgas Ekonomikas augstskolā, sadarbībā ar BICEPS pētniekiem publicē pētījumus par dažādām tēmām, saistītām ar politiku, uzņēmējdarbību un komunikācijām.

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TeliaSonera Institūts, kas atrodas Rīgas Ekonomikas augstskolā, sadarbībā ar BICEPS pētniekiem publicē pētījumus par dažādām tēmām, saistītām ar politiku, uzņēmējdarbību un komunikācijām.