Author: Anna Pluta

Recently completed projects (2015–2021)

Project Researchers Funded
InTEL: Institutions and Tax Enforcement in Latvia (2018-2021) Nicolas Gavoille, Vitalijs Jascisens, Arnis Sauka, Anna Zasova, Anna Pļuta, Marija Krūmiņa Latvian Council of Science
Excise Tax Policy in the Baltic Countries: Alcoholic Beverages, Soft Drinks and Tobacco Products (2020) Anna Pļuta, Mihails Hazans, Irēna Emīlia Švilpe, Anna Zasova, Arnis Sauka Latvian Chamber of Commerce and Industry
Development of a methodology for expanding the range of territorial statistics (2019-2020) Sergejs Gubins, Anna Zasova, Marija Krūmiņa, Anna Pļuta Central Statistical Bureau of Latvia
Merging Latvian EUROMOD with CGE model (2017-2019) Anna Pļuta, Anna Zasova, Oļegs Matvejevs The Bank of Latvia
Estimating budget and social costs of psychoactive substance abuse in Latvia (2018) Anna Pļuta, Anna Zasova Latvian Centre for Disease Prevention and Control
Developing e-learning study material on fighting undeclared economy (2017-2018) Arnis Sauka, Anna Zasova The Latvian School of Public Administration
National Research Programme “Innovation and sustainable development: Latvia’s post-crisis experience in a global context (SUSTINNO)” (2014-2017) Alf Vanags (until 2016), Marija Krūmiņa, Tālis Putniņš, Anna Zasova, Anna Pļuta, Sergejs Gubins. State budget
Taskforce on fighting inequality in Latvia. (In co-operation with SSE Riga and SSE Riga Centre for Media Studies). (2017-2018) Anna Pļuta and Anna Zasova SSE Riga Centre for Media Studies
EUROMOD extension to indirect taxation (2017) Anna Zasova (in collaboration with ISER, University of Essex) European Commission
Effective social harmonization as a boost for employability in times of demographic changes (2016) Ieva Moore (Alf Vanags – until 2016) Nordic Council of Ministers
The rise of the dual labour market: fighting precarious employment in the new member states through industrial relations (PRECARIR) (2015) Alf Vanags, Marija Krūmiņa, Māra Bukovska, Linda Vildava DG Employment

Projects completed in 2006–2015

Project Researchers Funded
The EU Reference Budgets Network project (2014-2015) Alf Vanags, Ieva Moore, Lelde Jakobsone DG Employment
Radio Broadcasting in Latvia – economic analysis (2014) Alf Vanags, Anna Pļuta, Marija Krūmiņa NEPLP
Tax System Reform in Latvia (2013-2014) Alf Vanags, Anna Zasova, Anna Pļuta, Marija Krūmiņa Ministry of Economics
What happened to wages in Latvia’s “internal devaluation”? (2014) Alf Vanags, Andrejs Semjonovs, Anna Zasova European Court of Auditors
Development of an open, rule-based, predictable, non-discriminatory trading system Alf Vanags, Maija Kāle and Marija Grjazniha EuropeAid
Expert Evaluation network on the performance of cohesion policy 2007-2013 Alf Vanags, Ieva Moore and Ieva Valtmane DG Regio
Background on monitoring labour market developments in the EU: Latvia correspondent Alf Vanags and Lelde Jakobsone DG Employment
WEESP – Webtools for Evaluated Employment Services Practices (2012) Alf Vanags and Marija Grjazniha DG Employment
Latvia Competitiveness Report (2010-2012) Alf Vanags, Anders Paalzow, Zane Cunska, Konstantins Benkovskis, Krišjānis Krustiņš and Christian Ketels LR State Chancellery
EU Skills Panorama. Collection, analysis and processing of skills anticipation (2012) Alf Vanags and Ieva Moore DG Employment
Health at Work (2008-2012) Alf Vanags, Ieva Moore, Marija Krumina and Natalija Snapkauskaite 7th Framework Programme (FP7)
Evaluation of state enterprises in Latvia (2011-2012) Talis Putniņš and Alf Vanags LR State Chancellery
Cost benefit analysis of public libraries in Latvia (2011-2012) Alf Vanags State Agency „Kulturās Informācijas sistēmas”
Macroeconomic model: assessment of the impact of the EU funds in Latvia (2011) Alf Vanags and Anna Zasova Finance Ministry
Cohesion policy priorities 2014-20 (2011) Alf Vanags, Marija Krumina and Lelde Jakobsone Finance Ministry
Modelling the impact of EU Funds in Bulgaria (2011) Alf Vanags and Anna Zasova Bulgarian Cabinet of Ministers
Evaluation of guidelines for NCM Nordic Co-operation with the Baltic states & NW-Russia (2011) Alf Vanags and Ieva Moore Nordic Council of Ministers
Cargo Transport and Infrastructure in Latvia, Lithuania and Russia (2011) Alf Vanags and Vladimir Racejevs Stena Line Scandinavia AB
Measures for social inclusion of the elderly: case studies from Latvia and Lithuania (2010-2011) Marija Krumina and Alf Vanags Eurofound
Budget and Non-budget Social Costs of Drug Abuse in Latvia in 2008 (2010) Alf Vanags and Anna Zasova Centre of Health Economics
Economic Development of Ukraine: An Analytical Report (2009) Anna Zasova and Alf Vanags Swedbank
First Latvia’s Creative Industries Overview (2007) Anda Miķelsone, Alf Vanags, Sergejs Gubins Ministry of Culture of Latvia
RICAFE2:  Knowledge based entrepreneurship (2006-2009) Vyacheslav Dombrovsky, Alf Vanags and Olga Rastrigina 6th  Framework Programme
CRIPREDE:  Research and technological development in backward regions (2006-2009) Alf Vanags and Zane Cunska 6th  Framework Programme

 

Equity and Efficiency in the Latvian Tax-Benefit System

There is a trade-off between two major objectives of a tax-benefit system: equity and efficiency. The tax-benefit systems that redistribute a lot of income tend to generate disincentives to work. The tax-benefit systems that create good incentives to work and earn, are less effective in mitigating poverty, social exclusion and deprivation. In this brief we argue that, when contrasted to other EU countries, the Latvian tax-benefit system is less effective in achieving either of the objectives.

Equity-Efficiency Trade-Off

There is a fundamental trade-off between the two principal objectives of a tax-benefit system – income redistribution and efficiency. On the one hand, income redistribution is desirable as it helps to mitigate socially undesirable market outcomes such as poverty and deprivation. On the other hand, more income redistribution is often associated with higher distortions to labour supply and work effort.

There is no universal prescription as to how much a government should redistribute. The answer to this question depends, among other factors, on the relative value that society (government) assigns to the welfare of different population groups, and on the individuals’ labour supply elasticity.

However, a given degree of income redistribution can be achieved at a different cost of efficiency. In this brief, we analyse the degree of income redistribution generated by the tax-benefit system and work incentives in Latvia in the context of other EU countries. In our analysis, we use the European microsimulation tax-benefit model EUROMOD (Sutherland and Figari, 2013) version G2.0, EU-SILC data, and the analysis framework developed by Jara and Tumino (2013).

Income Redistribution in the EU

EU countries differ substantially in terms of inequality of original income and in terms of the degree of redistribution generated by the tax-benefit system (see Figure 1, data on 2007 and 2013). The Gini coefficient of equivalised household original income (which consists of income from employment and self-employment, property income, private pensions, private transfers and other relatively minor components) ranges from around 0.4 (Cyprus, Netherlands) to almost 0.55 (Romania in 2007, Ireland in 2013).

Inequality of original income in Latvia in 2007 was at the EU average level (Gini coefficient of 0.47), but the degree of income redistribution generated by direct taxes, benefits and pensions was the lowest in the EU. As a result, the inequality of disposable income in Latvia in 2007 was the highest in the EU (Gini coefficient of 0.37). Part of the answer as to why the degree of income redistribution in Latvia is so low is a relatively small contribution of pensions to redistribution – it is almost half of that observed in the EU on average, despite the fact that the share of public pension recipients in the total Latvian population in 2007 was above the EU average. Another important factor was the very minor role of means-tested benefits: in the EU on average, means-tested benefits generate a reduction in Gini coefficient by about 0.02, while in Latvia the corresponding figure is just one tenth of this.

Figure 1. Gini coefficients of original equivalised household income and degree of redistribution generated by tax-benefit systems in the EU in 2007 and 2013

fig1afig1b

Source: EUROMOD statistics, authors’ calculations.

In the course of the crisis and the following recovery, the degree of redistribution in Latvia increased (see lower panel of Figure 1). An important factor behind the increase was growing number of pension recipients and an increase in the average size of pensions (both in absolute terms and relative to employment income). The increase in the number of pension recipients was not a result of changes in eligibility criteria, but was due to population ageing and the fact that more people applied for other types of pensions. The growth in the average size of pension was due to generous indexation of pensions in 2008 and compositional changes, as pensions of new pensioners until 2012 were larger than the average pension. Another reason for a growing degree of redistribution was an increase in the size and the number of recipients of means-tested benefits (mainly Guaranteed Minimum Income (GMI) benefit). This was a result of reforms in the provision of the means-tested benefits and of falling incomes from employment, which made more people eligible for the social assistance programmes. Nevertheless, despite the increase in recent years, the degree of income redistribution in Latvia remains one of the lowest in the EU.

Work Incentives

The existence of a trade-off between income redistribution and better work incentives suggests that tax-benefit systems that ensure less income redistribution are likely to generate better work incentives. Jara and Tumino (2013) have demonstrated the existence of this trade-off in the EU countries in 2007-2010 by identifying a negative and statistically significant correlation between Gini coefficients and Marginal Effective Tax Rates (METR). The METR is a measure that is commonly used to quantify work incentives at the intensive margin. It shows what proportion of a small increase in earnings (which results from e.g. an increase in the supplied hours of work) is lost as a result of extra tax payments or foregone benefits that the person is no longer eligible for after the increase in earnings. The negative correlation identified in Jara and Tumino (2013) suggests that countries with less income redistribution (i.e., higher Gini coefficients) tend to have better work incentives (lower METRs).

In Latvia, the mean METR in 2013 was 32.2%, only slightly below the EU average (34.5%), and much higher than the average in Estonia (22.8%) and Lithuania (27.4%), despite a lower degree of income redistribution (EUROMOD statistics). Another feature of the Latvian tax-benefit system is that it is characterised by especially high METRs for poor individuals. Thus, in 2013, 94% of individuals who faced METRs in excess of 50% belonged to the two bottom deciles of distribution of equivalised disposable income. This is different from many other European countries, where distribution of high METRs is either more even across deciles or rising towards the top end of income distribution (Jara and Tumino (2013), data for 2007).

The main reason for high METRs faced by the poorest population groups in Latvia is the design of means-tested benefits (GMI and housing benefits), which generates 100% METRs for the recipients of these benefits. Namely, for each additional euro earned, the amount of benefit is reduced by one euro, which leaves the net income unchanged. This adversely affects employment incentives for the poorest individuals and increases the poverty risk.

Figure 2 illustrates mean METRs by deciles of equivalised disposable income in Latvia and shows the contribution of taxes, benefits and social insurance contributions (SICs) to the mean METRs. It clearly demonstrates that high METRs in the bottom deciles result mainly from the contribution of benefits, which disappears in the fourth decile. The contribution of SICs is slightly smaller in the bottom decile, which is due to the fact that the proportion of employed individuals is smaller in the bottom decile. For the same reason, and also because of basic tax allowances, the contribution of direct taxes is smaller in the bottom deciles, but then the contribution of taxes levels off, reflecting the Latvian flat tax rate.

Figure 2. The contribution of direct taxes, benefits and social insurance contributions (SIC) to METRs in Latvia by deciles of equivalised disposable income in 2013

fig2

Source: authors’ calculations using EUROMOD-LV

In their study on the incentive structure created by the tax and benefit system in Latvia, the World Bank (2013) pointed out the problem of bad work incentives generated by Latvian means-tested benefits. Our results, which are based on a population-representative database of incomes, also identify means-tested benefits as the major contributor to high METRs in the lowest deciles of the income distribution. Another concern expressed by the World Bank (2013) was that the problem of informal employment (either in the form of undeclared wages or work without a contract) can be exacerbated by high participation tax rates and METRs.

Conclusion

The Latvian tax-benefit system is characterized both by a relatively low degree of income redistribution and relatively weak work incentives, as measured by METRs. Recipients of means-tested benefits (GMI and housing benefits) are faced with 100% METRs, as benefits are withdrawn at the same rate as household income rises. This creates disincentives to increase labour supply for low-paid/low-skilled individuals, and hence creates a risk of poverty traps. Evidence from the literature suggests that the labour supply of low paid workers is particularly sensitive to the incentives generated by the tax-benefit system, hence reforms that would bring down METRs in the bottom deciles could yield positive results in terms of employment of low paid/low skilled workers.

A potential reform is to introduce either a gradual phasing out of the means-tested benefits, or to exclude a certain amount of employment income from the income test for the means-tested benefits. Such reforms would be targeted at the bottom end of the income distribution, help combat poverty, improve the incentive structure of the Latvian tax-benefit system, and positively affect the labour supply of low-skilled/low-paid workers.

References

  • EUROMOD statistics on Distribution and Decomposition of Disposable Income, accessed at http://www.iser.essex.ac.uk/euromod/statistics/ using EUROMOD version no. G2.0, retrieved on October 14, 2014
  • Jara, H. Xavier & Alberto Tumino (2013). “Tax-benefit systems, income distribution and work incentives in the European Union,” International Journal of Microsimulation, Interational Microsimulation Association, vol. 1(6), pages 27-62.
  • Sutherland, Holly & Francesco Figari (2013). “EUROMOD: the European Union tax-benefit microsimulation model,” International Journal of Microsimulation, Interational Microsimulation Association, vol. 1(6), pages 4-26.
  • World Bank (2013). “Latvia: “Who is Unemployed, Inactive or Needy? Assessing Post-Crisis Policy Options”. Analysis of the Incentive Structure Created by the Tax and Benefit System. Financial Incentives of the Tax and Benefit System in Latvia,” European Social Fund Activity “Complex support measures” No. 1DP//1.4.1.1.1./09/IPIA/NVA/001

Post Crisis “Success” Stories? Economic Outcomes And Social Progress In Iceland And Latvia

New SSE Riga/BICEPS occasional paper by Hilmar Þór Hilmarsson (University of Akureyri).

Abstract. The global crisis hit hard in Iceland and Latvia. Economic development prior to the crisis, as well as response to the crisis, was different in these two countries, also yielding different results. Prior to the crisis both countries privatized their banking system. In Iceland the banks were sold to local investors. The Latvian banks were primarily owned by international investors. During the crisis Iceland nationalized its largest banks. In Latvia the foreign owned banking system survived. In Iceland a large currency depreciation took place that boosted exports and mitigated the GDP decline. In Latvia the national currency is linked to the Euro and did not depreciate and Latvia suffered a large GDP decline with high unemployment. Thus both the privatization of the banking system prior to the crisis was very different as well as the response to the crisis. The post crisis economic situation in Latvia and Iceland is also different. Latvia’s reform program has been characterized by austerity while the adjustment in Iceland seems much milder, e.g. with lower unemployment. Iceland seems to have been successful in protecting its social fabric while the human costs of adjustment seem high in Latvia. The fact that these two countries responded so differently to the crisis makes a comparative case study feasible. While this study focuses on Iceland and Latvia it can also yield interesting results for other cases. Important lessons can be learned about the effects of different policy responses during times of crisis. This comparative case study is based on a review of theoretical literature, interviews, secondary data and the author’s previous experience as a staff member of the World Bank in Latvia and as Special Advisor to the Foreign Minister of Iceland.

Keywords: Small states, Latvia and Iceland, global crisis, economic policy, privatization.

JEL codes: H12, E63, L33